Basuki Tjahaja Purnama talks to residents affected by floods during his visit to Jakarta on Jan. 19, 2013. Basuki has taken over as acting governor of the Indonesian capital, becoming the first ethnic Chinese to do so in a country that is 95 percent native Indonesian and has the world’s largest Muslim population. (Reuters Photo)
Jakarta. With Joko Widodo’s decision to run for presidency comes Deputy Governor Basuki Tjahaja Purnama’s turn to bear the gubernatorial mantle of Jakarta.
Popularly known as Ahok, his ascension to the post of interim governor marks only the second induction of a non-native and non-Muslim Indonesian into the capital’s top seat, 50 years after the first governor of Chinese descent, Henk Ngantung, controversially stepped into office.
The popular consensus seems to be that Joko and his running mate, Jusuf Kalla, won the first presidential debate, according to an online poll by the Jakarta Globe that showed almost 90 percent of respondents tipping their hats to the pair.
According to social media monitors at PoliticaWave, the hashtag #PresidentNomor2 — referring to the ticket’s number on the July 9 ballot — became a worldwide trending topic on Twitter, showing strong support for the team from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).
Now that Joko has taken the lead, the possibility of Ahok cementing his position as governor is becoming increasingly real. Whether he is up to the monumental task is the question many are asking.
Reform politics
With a population of 9.8 million, Jakarta ranks as one of the top 20 biggest cities in the world, but its problems, many complain, are larger than life.
According to a study published by the University of Indonesia (UI), the financial strain of Jakarta’s infamous gridlock may total up to Rp 12.8 trillion ($1.1 billion) a year in productivity, fuel consumption and health costs.
Furthermore, flooding managed to displace 130,000 people and claim the lives of at least a dozen this year alone.
“Whoever leads Jakarta has to be capable in solving its problems. Because Jakarta is our center of government,” says Siswanto, a driver for one of the many upper-middle-class families residing in the capital’s mansions, often in stark contrast with the desolate slums next door.
The city’s long list of woes have had the public calling for a more efficient administration. Joko — popularly known as Jokowi — and Ahok seemed to promise just that during their campaign in 2012. Running against then-incumbent Fauzi Bowo, they charmed citizens with their refreshing take on politics.
“I see Ahok and Jokowi as the first politicians who were willing to face problems directly and try to implement measures to solve them, and [who were] transparent to the public. I think that is the right thing for politicians to do,” says Yulianto Sumarli, a former member of the House of Representatives.
Given that Jokowi has taken his leave of absence to campaign, it is now up to Ahok to deal with the challenges of managing the city. And for his part, Ahok seems to be more than ready for the demanding task.
“The first thing we have to fix here is the bureaucracy … by testing and evaluating [bureaucrats’] performance,” Ahok recently said. “If they won’t follow the rules, we can tell them to get out. Sometimes we have to kick them out. Of course they’ll get angry, but we don’t care.”
‘It’s all good, boss!’
The interim governor is known for his brazen attitude in dealing with the city’s clunking bureaucratic machinery, which many view as inept and inefficient in dealing with the city’s challenges. While this has earned him much admiration, some note that this style of governance may need to change.
“He’s very frank, with a strong sense of leadership,” says Siti Zuhro, a political analyst with the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI).
“[He’s] very clear in giving instructions, in talking about problems facing Jakarta; no hiding. That’s OK for urban society, who have no problems with him. [But] to reform bureaucracy, Ahok needs to adopt a more efficient method in persuading the administration to embrace his program. Stop yelling, stop being angry; be nice and diplomatic.”
Siti also cautions that a healthy relationship between the central government and the city administration is key, as the system remains very hierarchical. Conflict, she concludes, is not necessary.
Thung Yu Lan, also of LIPI, points out that Jokowi functioned as a defender of his deputy governor. Now that he is on the campaign trail, it is crucial for Ahok to amass popular support that will guard against jealous bureaucrats intending to undermine him at every step. Without it, she continues, he may not be able to snag a second term in office.
The remarks come in light of his latest row with Sports Minister Roy Suryo. The minister, who is known for stirring up controversy in his own right, has threatened to take Ahok to the police over his claims that the Sports Ministry was hindering the completion of Jakarta’s long-awaited monorail project.
In a statement issued on Tuesday, Suryo vowed to report the case to the police should the city administration refuse to retract its claims.
The social minefield of politics aside, the administrative burden of running this city single-handedly seems to have taken a toll on the action-oriented man.
The interim governor jokingly claimed his hand was cramping up from signing too many documents, but on a more serious note, he also admitted that without Jokowi to share the workload, every task fell on his team’s shoulders.
Nevertheless, despite the increased workload, he continues to maintain a positive front, claiming to feel no pressure from the administration.
“[Jokowi] often calls. He asks, ‘Is everything OK?’ And I always answer, ‘It’s all good, boss!’”
Minority politics
One of the greatest attractions of the Jokowi-Ahok ticket was their revolutionary approach to managing the city, along with the fact that Ahok is ethnically Chinese and Christian — a rare combination to rise to the forefront of local politics.
Many still remember the chaos that descended upon the city in May 1998, when people of Chinese descent were being targeted. Yet there are signs that the citizens of Jakarta are willing to look past the socio-ethnic divides that once tore them apart.
“I see him and Jokowi as the first clean, responsible, transparent [team], instead of [having] the first ethnically Chinese deputy governor,” Yulianto says.
When asked about his own experience as a minority politician, Yulianto says he has never given the matter much consideration, as he doesn’t consider himself to be a minority.
“We all have to live with it, we are all Indonesians,” he says.
Yet Ahok’s rise to interim governor may serve as a significant symbol for those from ethnic minorities to enter the world of Indonesian politics.
“His identifier isn’t his race or religion, but how he does his work, and I think that’s the one thing that encourages me the most,” says Glenys, a Chinese-Indonesian university student interested in politics. The fact that Ahok exemplifies how minorities are able to exercise their political agency in a more influential capacity is also very heartening, she says.
In the face of rising intolerance
However, not everyone is thrilled by the recent developments in Jakarta’s administration. The acting governor’s blunt attitude and minority status have caused no small ire with the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), a hard-line fundamentalist group active known for its attacks on minorities.
Now that Ahok is a step closer to permanently clinching the top seat at City Hall, the FPI has made public its intent to support Jokowi’s rival, Prabowo Subianto. The group made its stance quite clear on its official website, in which Muslim voters were urged not to choose “the presidential candidate [whose victory] could lead to [Ahok’s] appointment as governor.”
Mayling Oei-Gardiner, a demographer and sociologist from the University of Indonesia, notes that Ahok’s chances to become governor can be used to address other issues affecting minorities. She specifically references the plight of religious minorities, noting the continuing persecution of members of the Ahmadiyah sect, which has drawn international condemnation of the government’s inaction.
While Indonesia has long been touted as a model Muslim-majority democracy, the truth remains that many fear its trademark pluralism is failing. Data collected by the Setara Institute for Peace and Democracy show incidences of religious intolerance increasing annually — 200 in 2009, 216 in 2010, 244 in 2011, and 264 in 2012.
Atheist Alexander Aan spent two years in prison for denouncing the existence of God on Facebook. In 2011, a mob of 1,500 attacked a community of Ahmadiyah Muslims in Banten, killing at least three and leaving five seriously injured. However, only 12 were arrested, and sentenced to three to five months in prison.
In the words of one Ahmadi: “Please let the outside world know that we are no longer safe in our own homes.”
In the face of growing intolerance, Ahok’s rising star may provide that safety as well as a sense of hope to many.
“[Ahok] is brave. Brave enough to die,” Mayling says, adding that she wakes up every day fearing news of his assassination.
Despite his many admirers, occupying such a game-changing position is not without its pressures.
“If he’s successful, we can rely on him to create a good image. But if he fails, there’s also a problem,” Thung says.
Road work
So what would Ahok have to do to transform Jakarta into an efficient metropolis? Most observers seem to be urging him to continue Jokowi’s programs.
“In terms of reigning over Jakarta, one of the city’s problems, as well as the country’s, is poverty. How is he going to deal with poverty? I think he has take a positive step in moving people to public housing,” Mayling says.
On the overcrowded state of Jakarta, the demographer suggest the administration can work with neighboring provinces to help slow down the annual tide of people rushing into the capital after Idul Fitri in search of jobs and a better life. While Mayling concedes a complete block on migration is highly unlikely, improvement in the quality of life outside the capital might help reduce its seemingly magnetic pull. Job creation, health and education are also on the list of issues to be considered, especially since they constitute venues of social mobility.
Many have expressed their disappointment they may not be able to see Jokowi and Ahok make good on their campaign promises. Whether Ahok will continue down the path the team has laid out remains to be seen.
Mulyono, a security guard, believes the solutions to many of Jakarta’s problems lie in continuing the programs already set in place by Jokowi. However, given the differences between the two leaders, he doubts this will be the case.
Whatever route he chooses to take, it remains clear that Ahok will continue to cut a controversial figure in politics for the foreseeable future.
“As long as you’re Indonesian, it doesn’t matter what your ethnicity is. It’s being an Indonesian that makes or breaks. It’s being Indonesian that shows what people are willing to do for the nation,” Mayling says.
By Andrea Wijaya on 11:45 pm Jun 15, 2014
